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WORLD POLICY JOURNAL
Hussein A. Hassouna* [Go to interactive discussion forum] In our day and age, democracy is the only acceptable form of government. Arab and African participants at the Africa-Europe summit held under the aegis of the Organization of African Unity and the European Union in April 2000, recognized under the Cairo Declaration the necessity of democratization, while condemning all anti-democratic forms of succession to power.1 Despite this commitment, Westerners continuously question the prospect of democratization in the Arab world and Africa. The Arab world is perceived as basically "undemocratic," unable to adapt to the global challenges of the democratic process. Though this view is even shared by Arab intellectuals, it overlooks the root causes of the present situation and the significant evolution that is taking place. The purpose of this essay is to shed some light on this difficult challenge. First, we should reach an understanding on basic definitions. Are we concerned with political, economic, or social democracy? Do we assume a Western style of democracy? Is democracy equivalent to good governance? Is there an ideal democratic form? Does democracy presuppose transparency, accountability, and participation, or is it only contingent on holding elections and universal suffrage? These questions do not always have clear answers. Democracy is considered by the United Nations to imply acceptance of intellectual and political pluralism within groups, and the chance for individuals to develop their own identity, culture, and language.2 On the other hand, good governance is increasingly associated with democracy, the ideal model of good governance being a competent, decentralized government that is accountable for its acts.3 But is this all that is needed to achieve democracy? If good governance is the right way to govern and develop economic and social policies, who then is entitled to determine which is the "right way," the West or each country according to its own culture and experiences?4 The West, to be sure, encourages others to follow its example. But if we look at the ongoing soul-searching in Western societies, we may wonder what the right democratic path is. In France, we witness allegations of presidential corruption. In the United States, many question the validity of the electoral system and the partisanship of the judiciary. In Israel, which is inspired by Western models, peace advocates are alarmed by the continuous occupation of Arab lands and the discrimination to which Israeli Arabs are subjected. The situation in the Arab world raises still more puzzling doubts among Arab intellectuals. Where are there genuine democratic institutions with real power? Does there exist a credible opposition in the majority of the Arab states? When will the emergency laws and regulations enforced in some Arab states be abrogated, or are military courts still necessary even in peacetime? Should amnesty be granted to all political prisoners, thus allowing them to reintegrate in society? Does there exist an unlimited and unchecked right to criticize a government, stage a strike, or be politically active? This questioning by the Arab intelligentsia reflects paradoxical and conflicting urges for democratization on one hand, and for internal stability on the other. Indeed, internal stability has become the paramount priority for Arab governments, notwithstanding a remarkable overall improvement in this area. The threat of military coups has abated. Military regimes have evolved into civilian governments. In a number of countries, succession has lately occurred smoothly without major convulsion. For the most part, the Arab world has been immune from the turmoil that has affected different parts of Africa. Even so, some political scientists, notably Samuel P. Huntington, suggest that Islam is not hospitable to democracy. But there is no real contradiction between Islam and democracy; in fact Muslims consider Islam to be the oldest form of democracy. The Koran asserts the concept of Shura, or consultation, signifying that the leader must consult his followers and rule with their consent. This is a basic tenet of Islam and a major element of democracy. Muslim leaders have not always respected this tenet, but that does not derogate the principle itself. In reality, there is no contradiction between the Islamic system of government and the Western system. Finally, when examining the question of democracy, we must bear in mind that there is no uniformity among Arab states. Egypt has 7,000 years of recorded history. Iraq, Syria, and Yemen were centers of great civilizations in the past. But most other Arab countries are relatively new, having become sovereign states only after the Second World War. When the League of Arab States was created in 1945, there were 7 independent member states; there are now 22. Some Arab countries are monarchies, while others are republics with established parliaments. Some were colonized by the French, others by the British or the Italians. And although Arabs are tied by common affinities of culture and heritage, there are also many differences among them, which reflect their level of democratization. In truth, the Arab world needs to overcome many challenges before it can successfully democratize. The colonial legacy, the Arab-Israeli conflict, socioeconomic factors, and fundamentalism are all major obstacles to democratization. Most democratic societies have evolved over time, often having faced formidable hurdles along the way. The United States, for instance, had to resolve the contradiction of allowing slavery while claiming to be a democracy. It then had to confront the Jim Crow laws that deprived African Americans of their right to vote. Even today there is controversy over the electoral system. During the colonial era, the European imperial powers failed to create viable democratic institutions in their Arab possessions. To maintain their grip on this strategically important region, they relied on the leaders, while neglecting the majority of the people. As a result, many newly independent Arab states had to develop their own political culture before laying the foundation for successful democratic institutions. In some cases, colonial powers also neglected to delimit the borders between the countries they ruled, thus implanting the root cause of border conflicts in the Gulf region and North Africa. The Arab-Israeli problem, one of the longest and bitterly emotional conflicts of the twentieth century—and now of the new century—not only influenced the process of democratization but has had a serious impact on the development of the entire region. Successive Arab-Israeli wars resulted in the rise of military regimes. National security became a primary concern, often at the expense of democratization. While democratization alone will not put an end to that conflict,5 a just and lasting solution will obviously have a significant impact on the successful democratization of the Arab world. Socioeconomic factors also come into play. The majority of Arab states are developing countries in which illiteracy rates remain very high, so that a large segment of the population can not truly participate in any meaningful political debate. Illiteracy, poverty, and unemployment have lead to despair and frustration. Education is therefore a top priority, and the reform of educational systems is seriously underway in most Arab countries. Food and water shortages are also major problems. In their struggle to deal with these pressing economic concerns, Arab countries often neglect the development of democratic institutions.6 Fundamentalism is another internal factor that has created constraints on the progress of democracy. Governments sought to protect themselves and the people from radical Islamic fundamentalists, who often resort to terrorism to achieve their ends. Egypt, for instance, witnessed a wave of violence and political assassinations in the 1990s. The government confronted that challenge with a carrot-and-stick policy. While it cracked down on extremists, it allowed some fundamentalists to join in mainstream politics. The latter won a number of seats in the last parliamentary elections. Islamic groups were also allowed to express their criticism of government policy in newspapers,7 providing additional incentives for those groups to become involved in the political process rather than threaten internal stability. On the Path
to Democracy The League of Arab States created the Committee on Human Rights in 1968, and it adopted a human rights charter in 1994. Egypt is developing a national council on human rights, and one such already exists in Morocco. Overall, the culture of human rights may not yet be as advanced as in other democratic countries, but Arabs value the progress that is being made and are using every opportunity to see that it is encouraged according to their cultural and religious heritage. In Syria, Morocco, Bahrain, Qatar, and Jordan, we now have young rulers who have announced their respect for human rights and have demonstrated it in concrete terms. Jordan has already declared it will create a national action plan following international standards. We cannot expect their systems to change instantly and dramatically, but it is clear that the new leaders intend to respect human rights. The related matter of women’s rights in the Middle East is a controversial subject. The status of women varies enormously from society to society, but as a general rule, the status of women and their access to education and healthcare is improving. The status of women in the Gulf states is slowly changing for the better, especially in Qatar, Bahrain, and Oman. In Egypt, women have struggled for their rights since the beginning of the twentieth century under the guidance of such well-known feminists as Dorreya Chafiq and Huda Sharawi. And today, Egyptian women from all walks of life play an active role in Egyptian society. Tunisian women enjoy rights not yet obtained in other North African countries. Freedom of speech is essential to the development of democracy. Arab public opinion can no longer be controlled by leaders. Nor can Arab governments ignore public opinion on matters concerning the Arab world, such as supporting the Palestinian people or expressing sympathy for the people of Iraq. The Arab press is also proving more credible and effective, and governments are becoming less restrictive with respect to the media. Jon Alterman, of the United States Institute of Peace, has found that the Arab press has become far more accurate, objective, and open to new ideas than it was before the Gulf War.10 He cites the increasing competition between the local, regional, and global media. For example, the Gazira channel, an Arab news network from Qatar, features secularists debating Islamists, Kuwaitis debating Iraqis, and even Palestinians and Israelis. Following the global trend, there are an increasing number of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) that are beginning to have an effect on Arab civil society. Modern associations have existed in the Arab world since the late nineteenth century, although civil society as a rule is still fragile. Most early associations focused on providing education and healthcare to the needy. While many local NGOs retain this traditional focus, there are increasing numbers of associations concerned with nontraditional issues. In Egypt, the Association for the Protection of the Environment in Heliopolis was organized as a result of a local council’s inadequacies. The intifada has stimulated Palestinian associations devoted to human rights. Across the Arab world one finds women’s rights groups, organizations defending the rights of minorities, and associations whose purpose it is to raise people’s civic consciousness. It must be said that most of these organizations are relatively new, fragile, and sometimes subject to government supervision. Even so, the major elements of democracy are being addressed by the Arab world, and progress continues despite the turbulence that haunts the region.
1. U.N. General Assembly, A/54/855, p. 8. 2. "Democracy as Conflict Prevention," U.N. Chronicle, vol. 3, 2001, p. 14. 3. The United Nations has tried to balance a strict definition of democracy with evolving principles in such areas as good governance and the rule of law. See Ibrahim Gambari, "Regional and Multilateral Organizations in the Defense and Promotion of Democracy," speech to the Community of Democracies Seminar, Washington, D.C., February 21, 2001 (Office of the U.N. Secretary General). 4. Ben Nefissa Sarah: "NGO’s Governance and Development in the Arab World: Management of Social Transactions," discussion paper no. 46 http://www.unesco.org/most/nefisae.htm. 5. See Michael C. Hudson. "Democracy and Foreign Policy in the Arab World," Beirut Review, no. 4 (fall 1992) pp. 3–28. 6. See Alan Richards. "Economic Imperatives and Political Systems," Middle East Journal, vol. 47 (spring 1993). 7. John L. Esposito and James P. Piscatori. "Democratization and Islam," Middle East Journal, vol. 45 (summer 1991) p. 429. 8. See Alan Richards. "Economic Imperatives and Political Systems," Middle East Journal, vol. 47 (spring 1993). 9. Ibrahim Saad, "Crisis, Elites and Democratization in the Arab World," Middle East Journal, vol. 47 (spring 1993). 10. Jon B. Alterman, "An Evolving Arab Press," Washington Post, March 28, 2001.
* Hussein A. Hassouna is the ambassador of the League of Arab States to the United Nations and to the United States, and former assistant foreign minister of Egypt for international legal affairs and treaties. He holds a doctorate in international law from Cambridge University. [Go to interactive discussion forum]
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