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XXIII, No 1, Spring 2006 |
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WORLD
POLICY JOURNAL
Extraordinary Rendition and the Wages of Hypocrisy
Aziz Z. Huq
"Extraordinary rendition" is the governmental
transfer without legal process of a person
to another country where it is more likely
than not he will be tortured. The case of the
Syrian-born Canadian Maher Arar illustrates
the gap between extraordinary rendition and
the mundane legal process of extradition.
Detained in September 2002, at John F.
Kennedy Airport while returning home
from vacation, Arar was held in solitary confinement
without access to legal counsel in
a Brooklyn detention center on suspicion of
being a member of al-Qaeda. He was first
shipped off to Jordan against his will and
subsequently transferred to a Syrian prison,
where he was detained for nearly a year
without charge or legal process. The 35-
year-old software engineer recounts being
beaten repeatedly with two-inch thick cables
and threatened with electrocution while
being questioned about al-Qaeda. After his
release, the Syrian ambassador to the United
States, Imad Moustapha, declared that Syria
had found no evidence of Arar's complicity
in terrorism. Arar's case is not unusual.
There is substantial anecdotal evidence that
the United States routinely and knowingly
"outsources" the application of torture by
transferring terrorist suspects to countries
that violate international human rights
norms.
Extraordinary rendition evolved out of
pre-9/11 practices intended to facilitate the
judicial process, and only after 9/11 became
a purposive way to evade U.S. legal prohibitions
against torture. Since the 1800s, the
United States has "rendered" criminal suspects
from overseas to be tried in the United
States, and the U.S. Supreme Court twice
endorsed criminal prosecutions after such
"renditions to justice." In the 1980s, however,
the United States began rendering suspects
not only to the United States but also
to third countries, such as Egypt, in expanding
counterterrorism operations. In 1995,
Pakistani intelligence arrested Ramzi
Yousef, instigator of the 1993 World Trade
Center bombing, in Islamabad, and handed
him over for transport and trial in the federal
court for the Southern District of New
York. That same year, the Central Intelligence
Agency (CIA) captured Talaat Fouad
Qassem, a key leader and spokesman of al-
Gamaa al-Islamiya, an Egyptian armed Islamist
group, in Croatia. Later, Qassem disappeared
into Egyptian custody.
On September 17, 2001, America's rendition
policy changed in scale and purpose.
That day, President George W. Bush signed
a secret presidential finding that authorized
the CIA to kill, capture, or detain members
of al-Qaeda anywhere in the world. Despite
the magnitude of the powers granted in this
order, the Bush administration has resisted
efforts to secure its public disclosure. The
order also authorized secret offshore prisons
known as "black sites" where the CIA could
send suspects for coercive interrogation of
the sort that is illegal in the United States.
The presidential finding did not require
the CIA, in detaining and transferring suspects,
to seek case-by-case approval from the
White House, the State Department, or the
Justice Department.
The administration's avowed aim was to
allow the transfer of suspects to jurisdictions
with laxer constraints on coercive interrogation.
Former director of central intelligence
George Tenet candidly told Congress, "It
might be better sometimes for...suspects to
remain in the hands of foreign authorities,
who might be able to use more aggressive
interrogation techniques." Torture thus became
a primary goal, not merely a collateral
consequence, of rendition to third countries.
In this respect, the post-9/11 extraordinary
rendition system is qualitatively different
from the renditions program that preceded
it.
************
This excerpt is adapted from the forthcoming book Unchecked and
Unbalanced: Presidential Power in a Time of Terror by Aziz Huq and
Frederick A. O. Schwarz to be published by The New Press in March
2007. Reprinted with the permission of The New Press (www.thenewpress.com).
* Aziz Z. Huq is associate counsel at the Brennan Center for
Justice at
the New York University School of Law.
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