| ARMS
TRADE RESOURCE CENTER
CURRENT
UPDATES: May 7, 2001
Dear Friends,
In this eagerly
awaited email update, we look at George W. Bush's choices for the
second tier of his Cabinet. After the storm of media attention in
his appointments of prominent people like Donald Rumsfeld and Colin
Powell, the choices for posts like Assistant Secretary of State
for Western Affairs, Deputy Secretary of Defense, and Assistant
Secretary of State for Africa are --surprisingly enough-- not receiving
commensurate attention. Nonetheless, these choices further reveal
Bush's commitment to a unilateralist foreign policy in which corporate
interests receive pride of place.
As Bill Hartung
put it in a comment quoted by editorial columnist Robert Landauer
in the May 6th issue of The Oregonian, when President Eisenhower
appointed Charles Wilson, the head of General Motors (then the leading
contractor for the U.S. Army), to run the Pentagon, Wilson's defense
against charges of conflict of interest was "what's good for General
Motors is good for America." Under President George W. Bush, who
is running the most pro-corporate administration in a long, long
while, it's a case of what's good for Halliburton (the oil services
company that was run by Dick Cheney), what's good for Chevron (which
named a tanker after its former board member, Bush National Security
Advisor Condoleeza Rice), what's good for Lockheed Martin (the nation's
number one weapons contractor has snagged the top two positions
in the Transportation Department for its former executives Norman
Mineta and Michael Jackson), and on down the line. As we note below,
Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld has made "corporate experience"
a prerequisite for key jobs in the Pentagon, including the chiefs
of the Army, Navy, and Air Force.
NOTE: The information
on Lockheed Martin and Chevron's links to the administration came
from "The Public I" the investigative arm of the Center for Public
Integrity, which can be accessed at www.public-i.org.
In this update:
I. PAUL WOLFOWITZ, Deputy Secretary of Defense
II. RUMSFELD's CORPORATE SLANT: Other Pentagon
Appointments including Gordon England, Secretary of the Navy;
James Roche, Secretary of the Air Force; Thomas White, Secretary
of the Army
III. WALTER KANSTEINER, Assistant Secretary
of State for Africa
IV. Updates to our recent profiles - OTTO
REICH, Assistant Secretary of State for Western Affairs and JOHN
BOLTON, Undersecretary of State for Arms Control, Non-Proliferation
and International Security.
V. Press Coverage of Deadly Legacy Report
I.
PAUL WOLFOWITZ, Deputy Secretary of Defense
On the campaign
trail in June 1999, Bush tried to counter media characterizations
of himself as a foreign policy novice by saying, "if the East Timorians
decide to revolt, I'm sure I'll have a statement."
It's East Timorese,
George.
His choice of
Paul Wolfowitz as the day-to-day manager of the Pentagon puts Asia
on the front burner of American foreign policy and allows the President
to seem knowledgeable and well prepared on an area of the world
of which he lacks detailed knowledge (to put it as politely as possible).
Wolfowitz fills the gap. He is an expert in Asian affairs and comes
to the Pentagon from a prestigious post at one of the most prestigious
universities in the world-- Dean and Professor of International
Relations at Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies
in Washington.
Like many of
Bush's other picks, Wolfowitz is no stranger to Washington. In the
last 30 years he has held an enviable number of official posts under
Carter, Reagan, Bush the Elder and now under George W. Bush.
Wolfowitz is
a hard-line insider whose core beliefs reflect a pro-business, pro-military
slant. He is an ardent missile defense booster who served on the
1998 Rumsfeld Commission on the ballistic missile threat to the
United States and advocates getting out of the ABM treaty by any
means necessary. He said that moving forward with missile defense
within the confines of the ABM treaty is like defending ourselves
"with one hand tied behind our back and four fingers of the other
hand tied together."
Bush's speech
on May 1st in which he called for a "new framework" to replace the
ABM "which enshrines the past," make it clear that Wolfowitz's views
are right at home. In the speech, President Bush emphasized consultations
with allies and friends about missile defense, and chose Wolfowitz
to head the delegation to Russia. It is unlikely that the Putin
and the Russian Duma will interpret this choice indicative of good
will in light of Wolfowitz's recent insulting and accusatory comments
about the former superpower. In an interview in a British newspaper,
Wolfowitz said of the Russians, "These people seem to be willing
to sell anything to anyone for money."
On U.S.-China
relations, Bush reversed a thawing trend with the spy plane fiasco
and the largest arms sales package to Taiwan in a decade, although
he wisely held off on the controversial AEGIS destroyers. Wolfowitz
is all for a cold shoulder towards China. He supports an independent
and robustly armed Taiwan, something that is anathema to China.
Unsurprisingly,
his appointment has been celebrated in the Taiwanese press. A quote
from the Taiwan Studies Institute tells why: "He worked for President
Reagan when the administration ignored China's demand that the United
States establish a deadline for stopping arms sales to Taiwan. And
he was serving in the first Bush administration for then-Defense
Secretary Dick Cheney when F-16 fighters were sold to Taiwan against
China's wishes." In 1999, Wolfowitz was one of 22 signatories to
letter urging Clinton and Congress to state "America's unequivocal
support for coming to Taiwan's defense in the event of an attack
by China and for the United States to provide Taiwan with defensive
weapons, including a theater missile system, to shield against a
possible [Chinese] missile attack."
Two years later
Wolfowitz is poised to do just that.
An April 2 2001
article in the New York Times described Wolfowitz as "the intellectual
architect in a steely, staunchly conservative triad that includes
a political overseer (his former boss, Vice President Dick Cheney)
and a bureaucratic black belt (Mr. Rumsfeld). This group has emerged
as the most influential and disciplined in President Bush's national
security team."
Good news for
Taiwan and weapons manufacturers with billion dollar contracts to
build missile defense systems, bad news for diplomacy, disarmament
and arms control.
For more information:
Paul
Wolfowitz, Reagan's Man in Indonesia, Is Back at the Pentagon,
by Tim Shorrock
RUMSFELD'S
CORPORATE SLANT
The following
brief overview of other appointments to the Bush Pentagon is drawn
from the update of our report, Military Industrial Complex Revisited,
which will be issued by Foreign Policy in Focus within the next
4 to six weeks.
President Bush's
"compassion" for corporate interests and conservative causes has
extended beyond the cabinet level, down to the level of deputies
and assistant secretaries who have a powerful influence over day-to-day
policy matters. According to an account in the conservative Washington
Times, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld has made corporate experience
a litmus test for appointment to key positions in the Pentagon.
One Pentagon insider described Rumsfeld's plan for running the Pentagon
as follows: "It's Department of Defense, Inc. . . . You have the
guys who run the Navy, Air Force, and Army, and then you have the
comptroller as the financial officer." The article goes on to note
that Rumsfeld's choices for service secretaries, James Roche (Air
Force), Thomas E. White (Army), and Gordon R. England (Navy) "all
have extensive corporate experience running programs and divisions."
(See Rowan Scarborough, "Rumsfeld's 'Defense Inc.' Reasserts Civilian
Control," Washington Times, April 24, 2001). Roche served as a corporate
vice president with Northrop Grumman, which builds the Global Hawk
unmanned surveillance aircraft and is hoping to persuade the Bush
administration to revive the production line for its B-2 bomber,
which at over $1 billion per copy is the most expensive aircraft
ever built. White is the vice chairman of the energy services division
of Enron, an international oil firm which was a major contributor
to the Bush presidential effort. England is an executive vice president
at General Dynamics, a second tier weapons contractor whose big
projects include attack and ballistic missile submarines (built
at its Electric Boat facility in Groton, Connecticut), and armored
vehicles such as the M-1 tank.
Meanwhile, other
top Pentagon posts are going to conservative ideologues like Stephen
Cambone, who served as staff director for Rumsfeld's Commission
to Assess the Ballistic Missile Threat to the United States, which
was responsible for a 1998 report that dramatically overstated the
Third World ballistic missile threat to the United States; and Douglas
Feith, a Beltway lawyer and lobbyist who chaired the advisory board
of Frank Gaffney's Center for Security Policy and has been a prominent
advocate of the half-baked legal theory that argues that since the
Soviet Union no longer exists, the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty
between Washington and Moscow is no longer valid. Heading up Rumsfeld's
'board of directors' for the Pentagon will be Paul Wolfowitz, who
served on the Rumsfeld Commission, advocates an aggressive posture
towards China and has been a prominent supporter of the idea of
arming Iraqi opposition groups with the aim of overthrowing Saddam
Hussein. Feith and Wolfowitz are long-time associates of Richard
Perle, an unreconstructed Cold Warrior who was known as the "Prince
of Darkness" during his tenure at the Reagan Pentagon in recognition
of his grim, hard-line views.
III.
WALTER H. KANSTEINER III, Assistant Secretary of State for African
Affairs
Walter Kansteiner
will be instrumental in formulating policy for a continent where
almost half of its population endures conditions of extreme poverty.
The World Bank has predicted that the number of people in Sub-Saharan
Africa living on $1 a day will grow by 59 million in 15 years. Nearly
70% of all people infected with HIV live in Africa.
These are the
major problems facing Africa, and yet Mr. Kansteiner's background
is not in humanitarian or health concerns. He has worked on a strategic
minerals task force at the Department of Defense and was Executive
Vice President of a commodity trading and manufacturing company
specializing in tropical commodities in the developing world. Considering
that many of the problems of Africa are directly related to the
exploitation of mineral resources Mr. Kansteiner's appointment is
disconcerting, particularly with respect to the evolution of U.S.
policy towards the war ravaging the Democratic Republic of Congo.
The latest reports
coming out of the DRC are that 2.5 million people have died since
the war began. Starvation and disease have caused 80% of these deaths.
The war is being fueled by the massive extraction of mineral resources,
as stated in the recent UN report on the Illegal Exploitation of
Natural Resources and Other Forms of Wealth in the Democratic Republic
of Congo. Considering Mr. Kansteiner's background, he hardly seems
equipped to deal with Africa's humanitarian crisis. Instead, he
is ready to deal with the continent's mineral resources. The looting
of minerals essential to many American products has caused massive
destabilization in the DRC and other countries on the Continent.
Congresswoman
Cynthia McKinney has been very critical of U.S. foreign policy in
the DRC. In a letter to President Bush dated March 28th
2001, she criticizes statements made by Kansteiner in support of
partitioning the DRC based upon ethnic lines. "The partitioning
of Congo in the way prescribed by Mr. Kansteiner would amount to
a reward to Rwanda, Uganda and their allies whose combined invasion
has now cost the lives of two million Congolese men, women and children
and the displacement of an estimated 500,000 civilians in eastern
Congo."
FOR MORE INFORMATION:
IV.
PROFILE UPDATES
JOHN BOLTON,
The Armageddon Nominee
On April 26, 2001 the Senate Foreign Relations Committee barely
approved the nomination of John Bolton to be Undersecretary of State
for Arms Control and International Security Affairs by a vote of
10 - 8. All but one of the nine Committee Democrats opposed the
nomination and all 10 Republicans supported the nomination. The
full Senate vote on the nomination could occur as early as the week
of May 30.
Check out our
profile of Bolton at www.worldpolicy.org/projects/arms/updates/042601.htm
and Go to www.stopbolton.org
to send a letter to your Senator urging them to "Stop Bolton."
OTTO REICH: The
Wrong Stuff
We released a profile of Otto J. Reich, the arch anti-communist
propagandist, who is Bush's top choice for Assistant Secretary of
State for Western Affairs last week. Read it at www.worldpolicy.org/projects/arms/updates/ottoreich.htm
Recently our
friend Alec Dubro at Foreign Policy in Focus wrote an article for
The Nation's website about Reich's ties to the pro-business apparel
advocacy organization-- WRAP or Worldwide Responsible Apparel Production.
In the article Dubro concludes that Reich "is willing to link himself
with other retrograde causes, including an implicitly antilabor,
antienvironment, prosweatshop organization. Just the man we need
to run US hemisphere policy." Read his article at www.worldpolicy.org/projects/arms/updates/ottoreich.htm
V.
PRESS CONVERAGE OF DEADLY LEGACY
The Arms Trade
Resource Center's new report, DEADLY LEGACY UPDATE: U.S. ARMS AND
TRAINING PROGRAMS IN AFRICA by William Hartung and Dena Montague
has been well received. It was first presented at the UN Conference
on the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons and has since
been distributed at a forum sponsored by Congresswoman Cynthia McKinney
entitled Covert Action in Africa: A Smoking Gin in Washington DC.
Shelly Witman,
a researcher for Sir Ketumile Masire, the former President of Botswana
currently facilitating for the Inter-Congolese Dialogue, called
from Botswana to asked for the report which she thought would assist
in her investigation into Western involvement in the DRC war.
Additionally,
the report was featured in an article in The East African; a newspaper
based in Nairobi, Kenya, distributed throughout East Africa. The
report was also distributed on www.allafrica.com.
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